By Ashis Biswas
Current Chief Adviser to the Bangladesh Caretaker Government, Dr Mohammad Yunus as a Nobel-winning economist, is known to have many friends in high places, starting from Hilary Clinton. Unfortunately, he has not yet succeeded in influencing too many people in Bangladesh on present indications, four months after taking over in his new job as the top policymaker. .
It would not have mattered very much if Dr Yunus was not catapulted to the top political job in volatile Bangladesh post the August 5 anti-Hasina upsurge. But as the veteran economist takes his first baby steps in the furnace of Bangladeshi politics, his inability to communicate with people has turned out to be a major load. Worse, his missteps in running the administration are beginning to embarrass even his mighty international backers. More than other countries the US and the UK are worried about the continuing misgovernance in Bangladesh under Yunus.
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Could it be that the 84 year old economist has bitten off more than he can chew, trying to run a country that is known to turn ungovernable at times?
His ‘performance’ so far speaks for itself : As of now, Bangladesh has not only rubbed up India, its most important and closest neighbour, the wrong way through a series of provocative moves and decisions even, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party(BNP) the most powerful political entity at the moment, is upset with him. Ironically the BNP was the main plank of Yunus’s support as he took over power from his bete noire Sheikh Hasina. Islamic fundamentalist forces including the Jamat-e-Islami and the Hifazat-e-Islam also welcomed him as a saviour, not having a credible contender for power on their own.
There were no problems in the first few days after his takeover of power from the AL-led regime. Of late the situation has changed. There is a general impression that Dr Yunus, seems to be led by local Jamat leaders and other fundamental organisations, while he seeks to keep the BNP leaders at arms’ length in finalising policy matters. This explains the systematic escalation in the anti-India, even anti-Hindu rhetoric and communal violence of recent weeks, which as a seasoned party that has contested elections regularly, the BNP opposes strongly.
The initial local enthusiasm in accepting Dr Yunus as a new change agent in politics, ending the long ruling spell enjoyed by the Awami League, was understandable. Not only were other parties beaten comprehensively in elections repeatedly by the AL led by Sheikh Hasina. their decade-long hibernation in the opposition had gradually sapped their ability to fight back effectively. Opposition leaders/cadres sank into increased factionalism and infighting, along with an ever- growing hatred of India as the chief prop holding up the Awami League — until the July anti-Government agitation by students began .
Not surprisingly, now that the AL is out power, the BNP and other parties have lost no time in taking the credit for its ouster on August 5. The fact is, the AL was unseated by a students/youth-led agitation against the Government’s new ‘quota ‘policy announced for future admissions for higher education. The AL Government wanted to continue certain advantages for the offspring of former freedom fighters who had made sacrifices in the fight against Pakistan and forces like the Jamat etc during 1970-71. Like the proverbial final straw, this broke the camel’s back as all sections of students exploded in revolt catching Dhaka by surprise.
In its own way, the AL’s political nemesis had an element of divine justice about it. There was no doubt about the importance of the ALs role as a free fighting force for Bangladesh in 1970-71. But of late, complaints about the way it rigged major elections, sharply restricted the legal functions of opposition parties, its crippling of democratic principles, major corruption on part of Al officials etc, had led to an accumulation of suppressed public anger which Dhaka-based leaders ignored in their hubris. Even foreign HR agencies and politicians repeatedly warned AL leaders about their unpopularity, but to no avail. The gap between the common peoples’ aspirations and the AL’s performance had grown too big.
Over the next few days leading up to August 5, large crowds of youths fought off armed policemen in street battles where — according to eye-witness accounts — hundreds of people, mostly youths, were killed in police firing.
Opposition parties led by the BNP and other forces stepped in and claimed the credit for themselves only after the police had been beaten back and the army expressed its reluctance to machine gun large crowds of attacking youths, overruling AL hardliners who seemed determined to hang on to power by any means. The rest is history.
The AL had to go, but not before its reputation as a popular party had taken a major hit. The party had been let badly down by the official intelligence departments. There were allegations against foreign agents operating in Bangladesh especially from Pakistan and Turkey, the two countries which had greatly increased their local influence for some time. Ditto the American embassy, which hobnobbed with local NGOs and HR groups in open defiance of the AL authorities and the Government.
There was no doubt that the ouster had been planned by powerful forces for some time. Its script seemed to follow the patterns of violent regime change as seen in Libya or Ukraine earlier. Initially, Sheikh Hasina’s complaints against the US and its agencies pulling off the anti-AL strike seemed to be a typical loser’s account, involving conspiracy theories and so on.
However, it was Dr Yunus himself who gave the game away. He could not help gloating over ‘his’ success at a gathering organised by the Clintons in the US a few days after he took over. At a rare moment of jubilation, Dr Yunus proudly presented to a cheering audience a non descript Bangladeshi man as ‘the main plotter of the coup’ before the organisers could intercede and stop him!
Sadly for Yunus, such happy times are over as he gets more and more involved into the nitty-gritty of preparations for a fresh round of elections. As reported in these columns earlier, Dr Yunus, from all accounts is not a self-effacing type of functionary. If anything he is, something of a control freak. Keen to command the high ground over practising politicians, he would like to make a difference as the best leader of Bangladesh in its crisis.
Hence the stories fed to the local press about the caretaker regime needing at least two more years to carry out a set of immediately needed reforms prior to the next elections. Not unexpectedly, all parties reacted strongly, especially the BNP. Senior BNP leaders M. Fakhrul Islam, who met BNP leaders Tareq Rahman in London, told newsmen that the caretaker regime could work out its reforms etc within 5/6 months and arrange for immediate elections. After all, nothing more than thoroughly checking the electoral rolls and finalising foolproof security measures were involved.
It was not for caretaker regime officials, nor for Dr Yunus, according to BNP leaders, to do the work of political parties which had been part of the Bangladeshi political scene all through the past decades.
Also, said Islam, there was a way for politicians and governments to deal with a country’s neighbours and leaders of other countries. There were norms and conventions to follow specifically. Observers interpreted this ,message from Islam as the clearest warning to Dr Yunus and his team , not to go too far in the new regime’s all too blatant anti Indianism.
It remains to be seen whether Dr Yunus heeds his warning. (IPA Service)
